In last month’s Virginia governor’s race, the threat of teaching critical race theory in schools was a winning issue for Republican Glenn Youngkin. Never mind that CRT wasn’t part of Virginia’s school curriculum; it served its purpose as something that could happen, and GOP candidates across the country have mimicked the strategy.

The left insists that critical race theory is a straw man, distorted for purposes of fearmongering. But evidence abounds of people and organizations advocating for teaching many aspects of CRT in public school curriculums, though they may carefully avoid or downplay the name. Those on the left should stop denying their belief in the merits of this theory — and conservatives should consider that maybe they have a point.

Education Week, a news magazine focused on grades K-12, acknowledged in an articlepublished in May that CRT influences “the work of sociologists and literary theorists. … And its ideas have since informed other fields, like the humanities, the social sciences, and teacher education.”

The magazine also provided a good definition of CRT: “The core idea is that race is a social construct, and that racism is not merely the product of individual bias or prejudice, but also something embedded in legal systems and policies.”

It would be better for the proponents of CRT to further minimize the notion of overt racism and focus more on the embedded unfairness that is often difficult for White people to recognize. Doing so would help overcome a natural resistance among millions of White Americans who (A) know they are not racists and (B) are not going to support any curriculum that suggests that they are.

In other words, White people may well admit that bias and prejudice are built into the system, as long as they’re not blamed for a foundation that was laid long before they were born.

What also scuttles CRT for many is the suggestion that it should supplant established history in significant ways. Such was the takeaway from the New York Times Magazine’s “1619 Project,” a 2019 series led by staff writer Nikole Hannah-Jones that argued that the United States was born not in 1776, but rather 157 years earlier when the first enslaved people were brought to the Virginia colony.

The book drawn from the series “softens some of the edges of the prior magazine collection,” writes Post critic Carlos Lozada, continuing a trend already afoot, such as in a follow-up article 14 months after the original series appeared wherein Jake Silverstein, the magazine’s editor, clarified that suggesting 1619 as the nation’s birth year was intended as a “metaphor.” That’s good.

Our founders — the ones we traditionally recognize — were brilliant but imperfect people. Many were enslavers. But their moral failings, especially viewed through a 21st-century prism, should not banish them from the hallowed pages of history. It’s right, however, to identify and teach that the architectural, economic and intellectual contributions of Black Americans, both enslaved and free, qualify them as our founding fathers and mothers, too.

Many conservatives pride themselves on being grounded in logic rather than emotion. Logic dictates that something as historically obvious as the impact of slave labor on the success of our nation should be acknowledged and more comprehensively taught, along with the fact that our legal, governmental and economic institutions were crafted, intentionally or otherwise, to favor White people.

It’s often suggested that White Americans owe something to Black Americans, or that White people should live with guilt over their “White privilege.” But White privilege is not a privilege at all. It’s the range of opportunities that are promised to all Americans. When we fall short of delivering on that promise, it’s incumbent not just on White Americans, but on the United States as a nation — as an institution — to rectify that imbalance. That’s why I have argued in favor of reparations for descendants of enslaved people.

Critical race theory should be welcomed in schools to the degree that it introduces the overlooked contributions of African Americans and the institutional racism that has existed since our nation’s founding — within a curriculum that stops short of sermonizing to today’s White Americans or force-feeding politically driven solutions.

A generation from now, Americans will probably still be debating the founding of our nation and the role of institutional racism. Worse would be a world in which we’re still debating whether to have the debate.