Tuesday, December 31, 2019

The New York Review of Books 1/16/20

Review of The War Before the War by Andrew Delbanco review by David Blight.

We have never stopped arguing about whether the Constitution was fundamentally proslavery---in effectively sustaining the system---or whether it contained antislavery elements that were revealed over time.  What we do know is that eventually a strong segment of political abolitionists forged an antislavery interpretation of the Constitution that energized the original Republican Party and helped foment disunion.

"Humanity cries out against this vast enormity, but not one man knows a prudent remedy."  Herman Melville

For fugitives like Douglass, the nation's devotion to prudence and the law became irrelevant.

As Delbanco puts it, "before the fugitive slave law, northerners could pretend that slavery had nothing to do with them.  After the fugitive slave law, there was no evading their complicity."

Because slave owners considered them a besieged minority vulnerable to the expansion of federal power, there was in allowing the federal government to assume control over the slave property.

America's institutions could not contain a conflict between two discount visions of the future.

Defense of the Tenth Amendment states rights was a front for proslavery ideology.

The US in the pre civil war 19th could be seen as 24 little sovereign nations.

Stowe said that slavery could only die in violence.

Calhoun as Ahab a la Melville.

The Age of Trump is not as bad as the 1850's, or is it?

How could people in the past not see what is so clear and evident to us in the present?

Slavery was a factory for manufacturing monsters.

The fugitive slave question made a united country impossible.  History is not inevitable.  It could always go differently.  History seeks no goal.  Beware of certainties.  The 19th Century ended up a battle between armies.  One of them won on the battlefield but did not necessarily win the political war.  Self-tortured by slaver, the US slipped into disunion.  Still disunited today.








The Threat

Though you may not know Trump as I once did, you do know that only a weak man speaks endlessly of his strength and only an ignorant man brags incessantly of his wisdom. Despite these debilitating flaws, or perhaps because of them, Adm. William McRaven — the man who oversaw the raid that killed Osama bin Laden — believes Donald Trump is the greatest threat facing American democracy. How voters respond to that danger in the new year may well determine the arc of our future for a generation to come.
=Joe Scarborough

Robert Dalleck - Lone Star Rising - (Book Review)

Dalleck and Robert Caro are Lyndon Johnson's most recognized biographers.  Caro has written four volumes with the final fifth one in preparation.  This is the first of Dalleck's two.  Dalleck is easier on the mind with enough detail to satisfy most of us.

Doris Kearns - Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream - (Book Review)

This book has been on my shelf for a long time.  Finally read it with my interest in LBJ.  I must say it is better than I expected.

Monday, December 30, 2019

Gotta Have a Fiddle in the Band


As the group Alabama says, if you're gonna play in Texas, you gotta have a fiddle in the band. Well, I didn't see any fiddles when I was in Texas last week, but I did meet lots of nice people there. Freddy and Andrea live in New Braunfels, a neat little town of about 70,000 hearty Texans just north of San Antone, settled partly by Germans many moons ago. I enjoyed the German flavor of the town. Whataburger is big in Texas along with everything else, but we did not succumb to one of them. After all, we got one of them in Pelham which I ignore. The grilled banana bread at the Fork and Spoon in New Braunfels sticks in my mind, as does the Mexican shrimp at Pappasito's Cantina in Austin. Good meals are essential to making the rounds in Texas country.

Sunday, December 29, 2019

Eric Hoffer Says


  1. "Absolute faith corrupts as absolutely as absolute power."
  2. "Add a few drops of venom to a half truth and you have an absolute truth."
  3. "An empty head is not really empty; it is stuffed with rubbish. Hence the difficulty of forcing anything into an empty head."
  4. "Faith in a holy cause is to a considerable extent a substitute for lost faith in ourselves."
  5. "Far more crucial than what we know or do not know is what we do not want to know."
  6. "For many people, an excuse is better than an achievement because an achievement, no matter how great, leaves you having to prove yourself again in the future; but an excuse can last for life.
  7. "Hatred is the most accessible and comprehensive of all the unifying agents. Mass movements can rise and spread without belief in a god, but never without a belief in a devil."
  8. "It has often been said that power corrupts. But it is perhaps equally important to realize that weakness, too, corrupts. Power corrupts the few, while weakness corrupts the many. Hatred, malice, rudeness, intolerance, and suspicion are the faults of weakness. The resentment of the weak does not spring from any injustice done to them but from their sense of inadequacy and impotence. We cannot win the weak by sharing our wealth with them. They feel our generosity as oppression."
  9. "Naivete in grownups is often charming; but when coupled with vanity it is indistinguishable from stupidity."
  10. "Never forget that one of the most gifted, best educated nations in the world, of its own free will, surrendered its fate into the hands of a maniac."
  11. "No matter how noble the objectives of a government, if it blurs decency and kindness, cheapens human life, and breeds ill will and suspicion--it is an evil government.
  12. "Our frustration is greater when we have much and want more than when we have nothing and want some. We are less dissatisfied when we lack many things than when we seem to lack but one thing."
  13. "Passionate hatred can give meaning and purpose to an empty life."
  14. "Propaganda does not deceive people; it merely helps them to deceive themselves."
  15. "Rudeness is the weak man's imitation of strength."
  16. "Should Americans begin to hate foreigners wholeheartedly, it will be an indication that they have lost confidence in their own way of life."
  17. "The hardest thing to cope with is not selfishness or vanity or deceitfulness, but sheer stupidity."
  18. "The opposite of the religious fanatic is not the fanatical atheist but the gentle cynic who cares not whether there is a god or not."
  19. "The search for happiness is one of the chief sources of unhappiness."
  20. "To know a person's religion, we need not listen to his profession of faith but must find his brand of intolerance."
  21. "We can be absolutely certain only about things we do not understand."
  22. "We lie the loudest when we lie to ourselves."
  23. "You can discover what your enemy fears most by observing the means he uses to frighten you."
  24. "You can never get enough of what you don't need to make you happy."
-Eric Hoffer from Inc.com

In LBJ Country

It was downright thrilling to visit the Texas Hill Country this week and see where Lyndon Johnson called home.  You can read the books but it takes the physical experience to understand.  Wow, that was fun!


It was downright thrilling to visit the Texas Hill Country this week and see where Lyndon Johnson called home. You can read the books, and I've read many of them, but it takes the physical experience to understand. Wow, that was fun!  
I can understand why LBJ's premier biographer, Robert Caro, lived in the Hill Country during the time he was writing his first volume. You gotta see it and feel it.
You see the little house where he was born, you see his paternal grandfather's house, you see the big ranch house where he died, and the family burial ground, all within walking distance of each other. His church, the Pedernales River, the woods, it's all still there. You think about the mix of people that settled and lived in the Hill Country---a microcosm of this country.
Most important to me, you see the house where he grew up in Johnson City, where he AND his siblings grew up, and you get an idea of his nurturing environment. 
I disagree with one thing the National Park Service house tour guide said in Johnson City, that his mother was his greatest influence parental influence. I say Sam Early Johnson, Jr. because LBJ's personality seems to mirror that of his father.
Lyndon Baines Johnson was deeply steeped in history, which I identify with, and why I find him so fascinating, such a combination of such history changing greatness but also human flaws

Monday, December 23, 2019

A Quiet Day on the Impeachment Front Yesterday

December 22, 2019 (Sunday)
Today was a relatively quiet day.
The big(gish) news was that Trump and his surrogates are pushing as hard as they can to get House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to send the articles of impeachment to the Senate immediately. Relying on an article in Bloomberg by Harvard Law Professor Noah Feldman, who testified before the House Judiciary Committee in the impeachment hearings, Trump and his supporters are arguing that the president has not, in fact, been impeached. 
It’s important to remember that scholars argue over things all the time, and in this argument, Feldman stands virtually alone. The Constitution establishes that the House of Representatives “shall have the sole Power of Impeachment” which seems pretty definitive in its awarding of the House the final say about what it means by voting for impeachment. 
Nonetheless, the White House has decided to use this as a major talking point to try to force the case into the Senate as quickly as possible, where Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) has vowed to push it to an acquittal quickly, without permitting any witnesses. In short, he has promised Trump he will kill it. So Pelosi is taking her time appointing impeachment managers, which is delaying the transmission of the case to the Senate. She is in no rush, while they are. Stories are dropping constantly that look bad for Trump, so why send the case to its doom? Just last night, the release of emails from the Office of Management and Budget clearly showed that one of the witnesses Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) wants to testify in a Senate trial was nervous about the legality of withholding aid from Ukraine. 
For my part, I cannot see what difference it makes right now if Republicans say Trump has not been impeached. I mean, Trump loves the idea, and is already insisting that’s the case. But what harm does it do to the process? A delay would not hurt Trump if he could produce witnesses to exonerate him; it would help him. There are several outstanding subpoenas his people are ignoring, and they could simply go forward with testifying to clear him while we are waiting on the trial. 
A canny observer suggests the real drumbeat for a quick Senate trial is coming from the media, which loves drama. But that means media interests are putting their fingers on the scale in McConnell’s favor, which is entirely inappropriate. McConnell has used parliamentary rules to get what he wants out for years; it seems entirely reasonable to me for Pelosi to wait on sending the case over until she can get McConnell to promise to hear witnesses and to figure out how to deal with the fact so many Senators are already on record saying they will acquit, a declaration at odds with the oaths of impartiality they have to take in the impeachment trial.
I’m also hearing, suddenly, people say that Trump can be elected to a third term because House investigations mean he lost his first term. This is flat wrong. The twenty-second amendment to the Constitution reads: “No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice.” We added this to the Constitution after FDR was elected four times in the 1930s, to codify what had until then just been a practice established by George Washington in which presidents stepped down after two terms. There is no loophole in this amendment. Those suggesting otherwise are directly attacking our Constitution. 
There has continued to be fallout from the Christianity Today editorial on Thursday calling for Trump’s removal from office. The backlash has been strong, but CT has stood firm behind the editorial, warning that “this presidency has wrought enormous damage to Christian Witness.” The editorial clearly hit a popular chord. The editor of CT has said that the magazine has lost subscribers, but has picked up three times the number it has lost. “A stereotypical response is ‘thank you, thank you, thank you’ with a string of a hundred exclamation points — ‘you’ve said what I’ve been thinking but haven’t been able to articulate, I’m not crazy,‘” editor Mark Galli told MSNBC. 
The power of that editorial showed up today in the Fargo (ND) Forum, which ran its own article entitled “How can Christians be Trump supporters?” It said: “Regardless of one’s faith tradition, Trump stands as a leader who has shredded norms and values and morals. He has undeniably used his office for personal gain — and for the benefit of his sons, daughter and son-in-law — yet the far-right refuses to hold him accountable…. We are supposed to be a nation of laws, not of men. Our Constitution spells out separation of powers as well as checks and balances between equal branches of government.”
The bruhaha over the CT editorial also called attention to the statement from Mormon Women for Ethical Government, released on Wednesday, the day before the CT piece, saying “Any president or leader who forces political support and fails to honor and protect the free and legitimate elections on which our republic rests has lost the moral right to govern. By attempting to compel Ukraine to announce investigations benefitting only his re-election efforts, President Trump forced every American taxpayer to become an unwitting contributor to his political campaign and a supporter of his re-election.” The statement endorsed the House of Representatives’ following of established procedures, and called on the Senate to hold “a full and fair trial with impartial jurors.”
The MWEG went a step further, though, to say that while they were in favor of peace, peace is not an absence of conflict. Rather, they said, “it requires… a courageous defense of truth and justice.”
Republican leaders continue to lie to their base, echoing Russian propaganda as they construct a false story of what happened in 2016. This morning, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, who took Russian money from Rudy Giuliani’s associate Lev Parnas, went on Fox News to claim that “The FBI broke into President Trump’s campaign, spied on him, then tried to cover it up. This is a modern-day Watergate.” Hours later, Trump elaborated: the Democrats and Crooked Hillary paid for & provided a Fake Dossier, with phony information gotten from foreign sources, pushed it to the corrupt media & Dirty Cops, & have now been caught. They spied on my campaign, then tried to cover it up - Just Like Watergate, but bigger!”
The FBI did not wiretap Trump; James Comey, who was the FBI Director at the time, has denied it under oath. It DID wiretap former Trump advisor Carter Page, legally, in October 2016, the month AFTER he left the campaign. It was a Republican operative who initially hired the company that employed investigator Christopher Steele. Once Trump got the nomination, the Clinton camp hired that same company and Steele stayed on the job. He did not know who his client was. When sources told him Trump could be blackmailed, he took his information to former colleagues at the FBI.
Finally, a picture posted on Instagram last night showed that Trump hosted Navy SEAL Eddie Gallagher at Mar-a-Lago. Gallagher was convicted of posing with the body of an ISIS captive, but Trump intervened before a review hearing to insist that Gallagher would retire with his rank as a SEAL intact. In the struggle over that order, Trump’s Defense Secretary, Mark Esper, fired Navy Secretary Richard Spencer, who objected to the short-circuiting of the hearing. 
Also at the party was Trump’s lawyer Rudy Giuliani, suggesting that two are maintaining close ties.

Sunday, December 22, 2019

Neoliberalism and History


DNY59/Getty Images
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The End of Neoliberalism and the Rebirth of History

 
For 40 years, elites in rich and poor countries alike promised that neoliberal policies would lead to faster economic growth, and that the benefits would trickle down so that everyone, including the poorest, would be better off. Now that the evidence is in, is it any wonder that trust in elites and confidence in democracy have plummeted?
NEW YORK – At the end of the Cold War, political scientist Francis Fukuyama wrote a celebrated essay called “The End of History?” Communism’s collapse, he argued, would clear the last obstacle separating the entire world from its destiny of liberal democracy and market economies. Many people agreed.
Today, as we face a retreat from the rules-based, liberal global order, with autocratic rulers and demagogues leading countries that contain well over half the world’s population, Fukuyama’s idea seems quaint and naive. But it reinforced the neoliberal economic doctrine that has prevailed for the last 40 years.
The credibility of neoliberalism’s faith in unfettered markets as the surest road to shared prosperity is on life-support these days. And well it should be. The simultaneous waning of confidence in neoliberalism and in democracy is no coincidence or mere correlation. Neoliberalism has undermined democracy for 40 years.
The form of globalization prescribed by neoliberalism left individuals and entire societies unable to control an important part of their own destiny, as Dani Rodrik of Harvard University has explained so clearly, and as I argue in my recent books Globalization and Its Discontents Revisited and People, Power, and Profits. The effects of capital-market liberalization were particularly odious: If a leading presidential candidate in an emerging market lost favor with Wall Street, the banks would pull their money out of the country. Voters then faced a stark choice: Give in to Wall Street or face a severe financial crisis. It was as if Wall Street had more political power than the country’s citizens.
Even in rich countries, ordinary citizens were told, “You can’t pursue the policies you want” – whether adequate social protection, decent wages, progressive taxation, or a well-regulated financial system – “because the country will lose competitiveness, jobs will disappear, and you will suffer.”
In rich and poor countries alike, elites promised that neoliberal policies would lead to faster economic growth, and that the benefits would trickle down so that everyone, including the poorest, would be better off. To get there, though, workers would have to accept lower wages, and all citizens would have to accept cutbacks in important government programs.
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The elites claimed that their promises were based on scientific economic models and “evidence-based research.” Well, after 40 years, the numbers are in: growth has slowed, and the fruits of that growth went overwhelmingly to a very few at the top. As wages stagnated and the stock market soared, income and wealth flowed up, rather than trickling down.
How can wage restraint – to attain or maintain competitiveness – and reduced government programs possibly add up to higher standards of living? Ordinary citizens felt like they had been sold a bill of goods. They were right to feel conned.
We are now experiencing the political consequences of this grand deception: distrust of the elites, of the economic “science” on which neoliberalism was based, and of the money-corrupted political system that made it all possible.
The reality is that, despite its name, the era of neoliberalism was far from liberal. It imposed an intellectual orthodoxy whose guardians were utterly intolerant of dissent. Economists with heterodox views were treated as heretics to be shunned, or at best shunted off to a few isolated institutions. Neoliberalism bore little resemblance to the “open society” that Karl Popper had advocated. As George Soros has emphasized, Popper recognized that our society is a complex, ever-evolving system in which the more we learn, the more our knowledge changes the behavior of the system.
Nowhere was this intolerance greater than in macroeconomics, where the prevailing models ruled out the possibility of a crisis like the one we experienced in 2008. When the impossible happened, it was treated as if it were a 500-year flood – a freak occurrence that no model could have predicted. Even today, advocates of these theories refuse to accept that their belief in self-regulating markets and their dismissal of externalities as either nonexistent or unimportant led to the deregulation that was pivotal in fueling the crisis. The theory continues to survive, with Ptolemaic attempts to make it fit the facts, which attests to the reality that bad ideas, once established, often have a slow death.
If the 2008 financial crisis failed to make us realize that unfettered markets don’t work, the climate crisis certainly should: neoliberalism will literally bring an end to our civilization. But it is also clear that demagogues who would have us turn our back on science and tolerance will only make matters worse.
The only way forward, the only way to save our planet and our civilization, is a rebirth of history. We must revitalize the Enlightenment and recommit to honoring its values of freedom, respect for knowledge, and democracy.
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Friday, December 20, 2019

Right vs. Wrong

Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) speaks to reporters at the U.S. Capitol as debate on the articles of impeachment against President Trump continues on Wednesday.  (Drew Angerer/AFP/Getty Images)
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) speaks to reporters at the U.S. Capitol as debate on the articles of impeachment against President Trump continues on Wednesday. (Drew Angerer/AFP/Getty Images)
Dec. 18, 2019 at 4:34 p.m. CST
The typical journalist’s way to report on the impeachment vote in faux-evenhanded fashion is to depict it as another sign of unending partisan conflict. As a Wall Street Journal headline put it: “In Impeachment, Tribalization of Politics Becomes Almost Complete.” This is undoubtedly true given the predictable party-line vote. But one should not imply that because the two parties disagree, they have equally legitimate arguments. That is not the case. Impeachment is not Democrats vs. Republicans. It’s right vs. wrong.
Of course there is partisanship on both sides — and Democrats should rue their hyperbolic criticisms of past Republican standard-bearers, which leave them open to the charge that they are crying wolf today. But just because George W. Bush, Mitt Romney, John McCain and other Republicans were not as bad as Democrats said doesn’t mean they are wrong about Trump. I disagreed with Democrats then, but I agree with them now. Democrats are right to call Trump a uniquely awful president — and they are right to impeach him for his attempted extortion of Ukraine. Republicans are a dishonest disgrace for defending Trump despite his admission of guilt.
Remember that on Oct. 3, Trump was asked by a reporter: “What exactly did you hope Zelensky would do about the Bidens after your phone call?” Trump replied: “Well, I would think that, if they were honest about it, they’d start a major investigation into the Bidens.” (He also went on to brazenly demand that “China should start an investigation into the Bidens.”) Trump delivered the same message to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in their July 25 phone call. The rough transcript has Zelensky asking for weapons and Trump responding, “I would like you to do us a favor though,” before going on to ask for an investigation of Joe Biden and conspiracy theories involving the 2016 election.
Because Trump impeached himself with his own words, the only defense Republicans can muster is to simply ignore the evidence. “The Daily Show” aired a hilarious segment in which Trump supporters repeat his mantra of “read the transcript” before admitting that they actually haven’t read it.
Republican politicians are just as egregious in dodging inconvenient truths. On Sunday, CNN’s Jake Tapper asked Sen. Rand Paul (R.-Ky.) whether “you would be okay with a president, say, Elizabeth Warren, asking a foreign government to investigate her top Republican rival?” Paul replied, in a masterpiece of sophistry, that the premise of the question “is completely untrue,” because Trump did not “call up and say, investigate my rival.” Instead, Paul claimed, Trump said to “investigate a person.” So Paul’s defense boils down to the fact that Trump demanded an investigation of “Biden” rather than a “rival.” This makes as much sense as Republicans arguing, as they did all day Wednesday, that Democrats are wasting too much time on impeachment — and also that they are concluding the investigation too soon. Both can’t be true.
Today’s Republicans echo the late Rep. Earl Landgrebe, who during Watergate famously said, “Don’t confuse with me with the facts. I’ve got a closed mind.” They ignore their obligations to the Constitution and the country. How can they possibly pretend that the author of the bizarre, rambling letter that the White House sent to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D.-Calif.) on Tuesday — a screed full of lies, rage and self-pity — is fit to hold the nation’s highest office? Pelosi’s speech on the House floor to kick off the impeachment debate, striking a somber, dignified and patriotic tone, reflects a contrast between the two parties that is deeply unflattering to the GOP.
Contrary to Republican accusations, Democrats are not pursuing partisan advantage by impeaching Trump. If politics were all that mattered, they would never have proceeded with impeachment because of the risk of a political backlash. That is, in fact, why Pelosi refused to move forward with impeachment even after special counsel Robert S. Mueller III documented numerous examples of obstruction of justice. She was finally compelled to act after Trump was discovered trying to solicit foreign election interference — again.
Opinion | Impeachment is a victory for Trumpism
The House impeached Trump, but it was a victory for alternative facts, Russian disinformation and Fox News, says columnist Dana Milbank. (Video: Joy Sharon Yi, Kate Woodsome/Photo: Getty/The Washington Post)
Even as the impeachment proceedings continue, the president’s personal lawyer is continuing to solicit help from shady Ukrainian politicians. Rudolph Giuliani has practically taped an “Impeach Me” sign on Trump’s back, yet Republicans pretend not to notice. By encouraging Giuliani’s escapades as he is being impeached, Trump makes clear that he considers himself above the law. Republicans evidently agree. Democrats do not.
I am not a Democrat, but I have nothing but admiration for all of the Democrats representing pro-Trump districts who are aware of the political peril they face but support impeachment anyway, simply because it is the right thing to do. One of those vulnerable members, Rep. Elissa Slotkin of Michigan, told MSNBC on Wednesday: “I’ve had countless people tell me that this going to be the end of my career. There just are some moments where you can’t look at a poll and you can’t make a decision based on political expediency.”
Slotkin and other vulnerable Democrats who vote for impeachment because the evidence compels it are profiles in courage. Republicans who vote against impeachment despite the evidence are profiles in cowardice. Don’t speak of the two parties as if they were somehow equal. The Democrats are upholding the rule of law; Republicans are undermining it.Opinions
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) speaks to reporters at the U.S. Capitol as debate on the articles of impeachment against President Trump continues on Wednesday.  (Drew Angerer/AFP/Getty Images)
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) speaks to reporters at the U.S. Capitol as debate on the articles of impeachment against President Trump continues on Wednesday. (Drew Angerer/AFP/Getty Images)
Dec. 18, 2019 at 4:34 p.m. CST
The typical journalist’s way to report on the impeachment vote in faux-evenhanded fashion is to depict it as another sign of unending partisan conflict. As a Wall Street Journal headline put it: “In Impeachment, Tribalization of Politics Becomes Almost Complete.” This is undoubtedly true given the predictable party-line vote. But one should not imply that because the two parties disagree, they have equally legitimate arguments. That is not the case. Impeachment is not Democrats vs. Republicans. It’s right vs. wrong.
Of course there is partisanship on both sides — and Democrats should rue their hyperbolic criticisms of past Republican standard-bearers, which leave them open to the charge that they are crying wolf today. But just because George W. Bush, Mitt Romney, John McCain and other Republicans were not as bad as Democrats said doesn’t mean they are wrong about Trump. I disagreed with Democrats then, but I agree with them now. Democrats are right to call Trump a uniquely awful president — and they are right to impeach him for his attempted extortion of Ukraine. Republicans are a dishonest disgrace for defending Trump despite his admission of guilt.
Remember that on Oct. 3, Trump was asked by a reporter: “What exactly did you hope Zelensky would do about the Bidens after your phone call?” Trump replied: “Well, I would think that, if they were honest about it, they’d start a major investigation into the Bidens.” (He also went on to brazenly demand that “China should start an investigation into the Bidens.”) Trump delivered the same message to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in their July 25 phone call. The rough transcript has Zelensky asking for weapons and Trump responding, “I would like you to do us a favor though,” before going on to ask for an investigation of Joe Biden and conspiracy theories involving the 2016 election.
Because Trump impeached himself with his own words, the only defense Republicans can muster is to simply ignore the evidence. “The Daily Show” aired a hilarious segment in which Trump supporters repeat his mantra of “read the transcript” before admitting that they actually haven’t read it.
Republican politicians are just as egregious in dodging inconvenient truths. On Sunday, CNN’s Jake Tapper asked Sen. Rand Paul (R.-Ky.) whether “you would be okay with a president, say, Elizabeth Warren, asking a foreign government to investigate her top Republican rival?” Paul replied, in a masterpiece of sophistry, that the premise of the question “is completely untrue,” because Trump did not “call up and say, investigate my rival.” Instead, Paul claimed, Trump said to “investigate a person.” So Paul’s defense boils down to the fact that Trump demanded an investigation of “Biden” rather than a “rival.” This makes as much sense as Republicans arguing, as they did all day Wednesday, that Democrats are wasting too much time on impeachment — and also that they are concluding the investigation too soon. Both can’t be true.
Today’s Republicans echo the late Rep. Earl Landgrebe, who during Watergate famously said, “Don’t confuse with me with the facts. I’ve got a closed mind.” They ignore their obligations to the Constitution and the country. How can they possibly pretend that the author of the bizarre, rambling letter that the White House sent to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D.-Calif.) on Tuesday — a screed full of lies, rage and self-pity — is fit to hold the nation’s highest office? Pelosi’s speech on the House floor to kick off the impeachment debate, striking a somber, dignified and patriotic tone, reflects a contrast between the two parties that is deeply unflattering to the GOP.
Contrary to Republican accusations, Democrats are not pursuing partisan advantage by impeaching Trump. If politics were all that mattered, they would never have proceeded with impeachment because of the risk of a political backlash. That is, in fact, why Pelosi refused to move forward with impeachment even after special counsel Robert S. Mueller III documented numerous examples of obstruction of justice. She was finally compelled to act after Trump was discovered trying to solicit foreign election interference — again.
Opinion | Impeachment is a victory for Trumpism
The House impeached Trump, but it was a victory for alternative facts, Russian disinformation and Fox News, says columnist Dana Milbank. (Video: Joy Sharon Yi, Kate Woodsome/Photo: Getty/The Washington Post)
Even as the impeachment proceedings continue, the president’s personal lawyer is continuing to solicit help from shady Ukrainian politicians. Rudolph Giuliani has practically taped an “Impeach Me” sign on Trump’s back, yet Republicans pretend not to notice. By encouraging Giuliani’s escapades as he is being impeached, Trump makes clear that he considers himself above the law. Republicans evidently agree. Democrats do not.
I am not a Democrat, but I have nothing but admiration for all of the Democrats representing pro-Trump districts who are aware of the political peril they face but support impeachment anyway, simply because it is the right thing to do. One of those vulnerable members, Rep. Elissa Slotkin of Michigan, told MSNBC on Wednesday: “I’ve had countless people tell me that this going to be the end of my career. There just are some moments where you can’t look at a poll and you can’t make a decision based on political expediency.”
Slotkin and other vulnerable Democrats who vote for impeachment because the evidence compels it are profiles in courage. Republicans who vote against impeachment despite the evidence are profiles in cowardice. Don’t speak of the two parties as if they were somehow equal. The Democrats are upholding the rule of law; Republicans are undermining it.