Dana Milbank is a columnist for the WaPost.
The author talks about his book in the WaPost
But a sober look at history might have lessened the shock, for the seeds of sedition had been planted earlier — a quarter-century earlier — in that same spot on the West Front of the Capitol. This forthcoming book promises to be a good one. Called to Washington by Trump, who promised a “wild” time, and sent to the Capitol with instructions to “fight like hell,” the mob halted Congress’s certification of Biden’s victory, sending lawmakers and staff fleeing for their lives. At least seven people died in the riot or its aftermath, and more than 140 police officers were hurt. Some 845 insurrectionists, several with ties to white-supremacist or violent extremist groups, have faced charges including seditious conspiracy. Image without a caption Many Americans were shocked that Trump, after first considering a plan to seize voting machines, had orchestrated an attempted coup, knowingly dispatching armed attackers to Capitol Hill and then refusing for 187 minutes to call off the assault. And many Americans have been shocked anew to see elected Republicans, after initially condemning Trump’s attack on democracy, excuse his actions and rationalize the violent insurrection itself as “legitimate political discourse.” But a sober look at history might have lessened the shock, for the seeds of sedition had been planted earlier — a quarter-century earlier — in that same spot on the West Front of the Capitol. On Sept. 27, 1994, more than 300 Republican members of Congress and congressional candidates gathered where the insurrectionists would one day mount the scaffolding. On that sunny morning, they assembled for a nonviolent transfer of power. Bob Michel, the unfailingly genial leader of the House Republican minority for the previous 14 years, had ushered Ronald Reagan’s agenda through the House. But he was being forced into retirement by a rising bomb thrower who threatened to oust Michel as GOP leader if he didn’t quit. “My friends,” a wistful Michel told the gathering, “I’ll not be able to be with you when you enter that promised land of having that long-sought-after majority.” Newt Gingrich had almost nothing in common with the man he shoved aside. Michel was a portrait of civility and decency, a World War II combat veteran who knew that his political opponents were not his enemies and that politics was the art of compromise. Gingrich, by contrast, rose to prominence by forcing the resignation of a Democratic speaker of the House on what began as mostly false allegations, by smearing another Democratic speaker with personal innuendo, and by routinely thwarting Michel’s attempts to negotiate with Democrats. Gingrich had avoided service in Vietnam and regarded Democrats as the enemy, impugning their patriotism and otherwise savaging them nightly on the House floor for the benefit of C-SPAN viewers. -Dana Milbank
He writes about the twenty-five year crack-up of the Republican Party leading to the political crisis we face today. It started with Newt Gingrich and his slash and burn brand of politics. Gingrich prepared the way for Trump. Milbank is especially good in reminding of us of origins of today in the tumultuous 90's with militia movements.
Gingrich was the initial Republican to let loose force he could not control. P. 56
Now we see what this has led to with Trump.
Reasonable Republicans like Dole and Michel do not exist anymore.
The government shutdowns in the 90's presage the breakdown of governing now. P. 57
Gingrich eventually learned that he had lost control the House, that he had unleashed forces that were beyond his control. P. 59
In the late 90'x Gingrich worked with Clinton but it only made the forces he had unleashed mad and he saw that he could not govern.
The class of '94 started the disfunction that we have today led by Gingrich. Trump was the ultimate result of this Republican Revolution. The Tea Party and MAGA followed Gingrich in a red wave with even more government hostility they were supposed to be governing, but it all started with Gingrich. P. 59
The violent talk we hear today began in the 90's encouraged by Gingrich riling up what came to be known as the Trump base vilifying the Clintons and with people like G. Gordon Liddy talking on the air about shooting ATF agents. P. 60-61
In 1995 after Waco and Oklahoma City Gingrich defended the armed, anti-government militia groups. P 63
Thus began the era of Republicans defending white nationalist violence.
One function of this book is to remind the reader of the recent antecedents of Donald Trump. It was Pat Buchanan in 1996 who first proposed a border wall to keep migrants out and put America first. P. 68
Eventually Republicans turned against McCarthy and the John Birch Society, but in the 90's Republicans refused to turn against the militia movement and today they refuse to show the courage to turn against Trumpism.
The so-called swift-boating of John Kerry in 2004 is disgraceful. P. 87
The W Bush administration took us to war in Iraz on the lie that Sadam Hussein was responsible for 9/11 and that Iraq was on the verge of acquiring nuclear weapons. Then W Bush announced that major combat operations were over whereas the war went on for years to come with thousands of casualties and billions of dollars wasted. P. 90
Republicans learned to weaponize disinformation in the 90's when they used it to lead us into a disastrous war in Iraq. P. 91
In the deceitful runup to the Iraq War the truth was overwhelmed by repeated administration lies. P. 94
Eventually the world would learn that Bush's case for war rubbish but by then it was too late. P. 95
In this book I see how the Bush administration shenanigans prepared the way for Trump. P. 110
Bush political advisor Matthew Dowd said that the key to winning elections was motivation rather than persuasion. Get Republicans to the voting booth and they will win. P.111
Trying to keep illegal money out for politics is a doomed cause. P. 124
The George W. Era made corruption systematic and mostly legal. P. 125
The sordid Abramoff and Reed era and the Enron scandal. P. 128
The Republican racial vilification of Barack Obama is almost too sickening to read. p. 138
The birther slander that Trump rode to the White House was totally bonkers.
To win elections the Republicans have to have a huge turnout of white voters mainly the elderly and diminish the cotes of nonwhite voters. P.144
The mainstreaming of once fringe ideas since 1994 has swept along all Republicans. P. 180
It didn/t become clear how close the country came to the unthinkable on 1-6-21 until the facts came out later. P. 301
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