Monday, April 10, 2017

Syria and the obligations of Trump’s critics

Trump: U.S. military has struck Syria in retaliation for chemical attack

 
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President Trump on April 6 said the U.S. military struck a Syrian military airfield in retaliation for a chemical attack on Syrian civilians that occurred April 4. (The Washington Post)
 Opinion writer  
On Aug. 20, 1998, American Tomahawk cruise missiles hit sites in Afghanistan and Sudan in retaliation for attacks on U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. The targets of the assault, ordered by President Bill Clinton, were Osama bin Laden and his band of terrorists. 
In light of what would happen three years later, on Sept. 11, 2001, Madeleine Albright, Clinton’s secretary of state, was prescient. “We are embarked,” she said , “on a venture in which we have to deal over the long run with what is the very serious threat to our way of life at the end of this century and the next one.” 
One might imagine that Clinton’s decision was broadly popular. In fact, his move was met with an explosion of querulous partisanship. It occurred at the height of the controversy over his sexual relationship with a young White House intern that would, later in the year, lead to his impeachment. Many in the GOP charged that Clinton was trying to distract the nation from his scandal.
Clinton, as John Harris reported that summer in The Washington Post, was accused of “following a ‘Wag the Dog’ strategy — so-named after the recent movie in which a president tries to draw attention away from a sexual scandal by staging a phony war.” 
Sen. Daniel Coats (R-Ind.), who now serves in President Trump’s administration as director of national intelligence, was one of the skeptics. “After months of lies and deceit and manipulations and deceptions — stonewalling — it raised into doubt everything he does and everything he says,” said Coats. He insisted that “it is legitimate to question the timing of this action.” 
John Ashcroft, then a senator from Missouri, asked: “Were these forces sent at this time because he needed to divert our attention from his personal problems?” 
Trump’s critics are certainly tempted to pursue a similar line of thinking about the strike he directed against Syria in retaliation for the odious chemical attack on civilians by President Bashar al-Assad’s government. After all, Republicans paid no price when they questioned Clinton’s motives, and Trump would sorely love to divert the public from the disastrous opening weeks of his administration. 
In particular, he has been happy to level false charges — first against former president Barack Obama and then against Susan Rice, Obama’s national security adviser — to shift the focus away from inquiries into whether his presidential campaign colluded with Russia’s subversion of the 2016 election . The fact-checkers regularly remind us that Trump meets the Coats standard of being a politician about whom we can reasonably “doubt everything he does and everything he says.”
But the Clinton experience should teach a different lesson. Albright was right to suggest that the threat posed by bin Laden should have been taken more seriously than our inward-looking political system allowed in 1998, and Syria presents humanitarian and foreign policy problems that must be debated on their own merits.
On the strike itself, many Democrats (including the Senate and House Democratic leaders, Charles E. Schumer and Nancy Pelosi, respectively) had called for proportionate action against Assad back when he used chemical weapons in 2013. Unlike Trump, they chose to be consistent with their past positions. In supporting the president on last week’s military operation, SchumerPelosi and many others in their party signaled that upholding American values was more important than partisanship, even when a man they deeply mistrust occupies the White House.
But one military strike does not make a foreign policy, and when you watch Trump speak on the subject, it’s hard to escape the sense that he has absolutely no idea what he’s doing. 
Secretary of State Rex Tillerson may have inadvertently given Assad a green light late last month by abandoning Obama’s stated policy that the dictator needed to be pushed out of power. What was the administration thinking? What comes next, and will Congress be involved? How do Trump’s approaches to Russia, Iran and Syria fit together? If Trump is moved by the suffering of Syria’s people, how can he keep blocking refugees from our shores?
And, yes, the new crisis over the Assad regime and the backing it is receiving from Russian President Vladimir Putin make it all the more urgent to get to the bottom of the relationship between Trump’s campaign and Russia.
Trump’s opponents should not imitate the shortsightedness of Clinton’s 1998 critics. They should instead put their skepticism to work in pressing for a coherence on international matters that Trump has, to this point, been incapable of delivering.

Thursday, April 6, 2017

The ‘alternative facts’ epidemic goes way beyond politics

 Opinion writer  
Impulse control is unfashionable as well as unpresidential, but perhaps you should resist the urge to trip people who stride briskly down the sidewalk fixated on their phone screens, absorbed in texting and feeling entitled to expect others to make way. New technologies are shaping behaviors and dissolving civilities. 
In 2005, Lynne Truss, in her book “Talk to the Hand: The Utter Bloody Rudeness of the World Today, or Six Good Reasons to Stay Home and Bolt the Door,” presciently said we were slouching into “an age of social autism” with a “Universal Eff-Off Reflex.” Long before progress, understood as streaming, brought us binge-watching, she foresaw people entertaining themselves into inanition with portable technologies that enable “limitless self-absorption,” making people solipsistic and unmannerly. Truss foresaw an age of “hair-trigger sensitivity” and “lazy moral relativism combined with aggressive social insolence.” This was 12 years before some Wellesley College professors said, last month, that inviting controversial, a.k.a. conservative, speakers to campus injures students by forcing them to “invest time and energy in rebutting the speakers’ arguments.” 
In the latest issue of the American Interest, the Hudson Institute’s Carolyn Stewart, revisiting Truss’s book, wonders, “What is it about social media that compels us to throw off the gloves?” Stewart notes that, as Truss anticipated, people “have taken an expectation that previously applied to the private sphere — control over our environment — and are increasingly applying it to the public sphere.” Social media’s “self-affirming feedback loop” encourages “expectations for a custom-made reality” and indignation about anything “that deviates from our preferences.” 
The consequences of what Stewart calls “our growing intolerance of an unedited reality” are enumerated in Tom Nichols’s new book, “The Death of Expertise: The Campaign Against Established Knowledge and Why It Matters.” Our devices and social media are, he says, producing people who confuse “Internet grazing” with research and this faux research with higher education, defined by a wit as “those magical seven years between high school and your first warehouse job.” Years when students demand to run institutions that the students insist should treat them as fragile children. 
“It is,” Nichols writes, “a new Declaration of Independence: no longer do we hold these truths to be self-evident, we hold all truths to be self-evident, even the ones that aren’t true. All things are knowable and every opinion on any subject is as good as any other.” In the movie “Animal House,” when the epically unruly fraternity is hauled before the student court, the fraternity member who is going to defend it, when asked by a fellow member if he knows what he is doing, replies, “Take it easy, I’m pre-law.” When someone says, “I thought you were pre-med,” he replies, “What’s the difference?” What indeed.
In today’s therapeutic culture, which seems designed to validate every opinion and feeling, there will rarely be disagreement without anger between thin-skinned people who cannot distinguish the phrase “you’re wrong” from “you’re stupid.” Equating “critical thinking” with “relentless criticism” results in worse than the indiscriminate rejection not merely of this or that expert. Nichols says this equation produces “a Google-fueled, Wikipedia-based, blog-sodden” disdain for even the ideal of expertise. This ideal becomes an affront in a culture that “cannot endure even the slightest hint of inequality of any kind.” Unfortunately, Nichols tartly notes, “specialization is necessarily exclusive.”
And aren’t we glad: “When you take an elevator to the top of a tall building, the certificate in the elevator does not say ‘good luck up there’; it says that a civic authority, relying on engineers educated and examined by other engineers, have looked at that box and know, with as much certainty as anyone can, that you’ll be safe.” 
The “spreading epidemic of misinformation,” nowadays known as “alternative facts,” gives rise to a corollary to Gresham’s Law (“bad money drives out good”): “Misinformation pushes aside knowledge.” Everyone with a smartphone has in his or her pocket, Nichols says, more information “than ever existed in the entire Library of Alexandria,” which can produce a self-deluding veneer of erudition. 
Nichols recounts an old joke about a British Foreign Office official who retired after 40 years: “Every morning I went to the prime minister and assured him there would be no world war today. And I am pleased to note that in a career of 40 years, I was only wrong twice.” This official deserved an A grade, like everyone else.

Monday, April 3, 2017

Why Trump is Failing


Greg Sargent: Why is Trump flailing? Because Americans hate his agenda, and it’s based on lies.

First Published     •    Updated 4 hours ago 

Everyone in Washington is trying to figure out why President Donald Trump's agenda has stalled on multiple fronts and why his approval numbers are swirling down the toilet. CNN's Chris Cillizza suggests Trump's penchant for disruption and chaos actually works against him. (I agree.) Others point to Trump's failure to forge relationships on Capitol Hill.
Still others say the problem is congressional Republicans. Trump's social media director has called for a primary against a House conservative who opposed Trump's health plan, which may have violated a law designed to keep government officials from swaying elections. Some GOP groups are reportedly mulling ads targeting GOP lawmakers who don't vote with Trump. Thus, the problem is their disloyalty.
All this has some truth to it. But here's another overarching reason for Trump's travails: As his campaign promises are getting translated into concrete policy specifics, Americans are recoiling from the results. What's more, this process is unmasking the disconcerting levels of dishonesty, bad faith, and lack of concern for detail and procedure that are rotting away at the core of his agenda and approach to governing, all of which is plainly working against him.
The Post has a remarkable report detailing Trump's increasing isolation and failure to gain support for his agenda:
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"The result has been a presidency lacking in significant victories, beset by major stumbles - including the downfall of the Republicans' health-care bill and his travel ban on six Muslim-majority countries - and that is the target of litigation as a result of executive actions, especially related to the environment.
There are more potential roadblocks ahead. Already, congressional Republicans have balked at his proposed budget, and the White House's insistence on increased spending for the military and a wall along the U.S.-Mexico border could imperil a spending bill needed to keep the government running past the end of April."
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The health bill, the travel ban and the border wall are all either defeated or in deep trouble. As veteran Washington consultant David Gergen put it, Trump is "flailing because he doesn't know where to find his natural allies."
But if this is so, surely it is partly because the policies are so unpopular. Take health care: Many blame House conservatives for tanking the GOP bill. But more pragmatic GOP lawmakers also played a big role. They opposed it in large part because the policy was so regressive that even they could not abide by it. The plan would have cut over $800 billion in Medicaid spending — which would have left 14 million fewer on Medicaid, according to the Congressional Budget Office — while delivering an enormous tax cut for the rich.
A number of moderate House Republicans opposed the plan precisely because it would have taken coverage away from many of their poorer constituents. Moderates were also alienated in part because the plan was broadly unpopular: A recent poll found that only 17 percent of voters backed the plan, and core Trump voter groups opposed it. The Medicaid cuts were a key reason for that: 74 percent of voters, including 54 percent of Republicans, opposed its Medicaid cuts — revealing broad opposition to its most prominent mechanism for massively rolling back spending to cover poor people.
Trump alone is not to blame for this. Trump didn't care about the details — he only wanted a "win" — and thus embraced Paul Ryan's plan. It is Ryanism, which includes repeal-and-replace as part of the broader goal of shredding the safety net, that helped create this disaster. Ryan was supposed to craft a policy that would prove ideologically satisfactory to congressional Republicans and could also be sold through shrewd rhetorical subterfuge as a fulfillment of Trump's promise of better health care for everybody at lower costs. The CBO blew all that up by unmasking its truly regressive nature and, in the process, the big policy lie at the core of Trump's repeal-and-replace promise. The details ended up mattering.
Something similar is happening on the travel ban and border wall. The original travel ban, which was blocked by the courts, was the result of a laughably slapdash process that could not conceal its anti-Muslim animus. The new version was also put on hold, in part because Trump and his advisers themselves revealed that its true rationale and goals were very similar, thus making it just as vulnerable to legal challenges, even as its stated rationale has been undercut by Homeland Security's own analysts. (The fact that there's no serious rationale for it may help explain why it's unpopular.)
Meanwhile, the wall on the Mexican border may also stumble over one of Trump's big lies. He claimed Mexico will pay for it, but now that Congress actually has to do so, Republicans are privately saying they don't really want to fight for that spending. The fact that the wall is also very unpopular probably makes this easier for them.
Trump could still notch victories soon. Neil Gorsuch may be confirmed to the Supreme Court. Trump may get tax reform of some kind (including huge tax cuts for the rich). But other aspects of his agenda are still in doubt. Trump has signed executive orders rolling back our policies to fight climate change, but doing that will take years and is very unpopular, perhaps in part because it won't actually restore coal jobs, as he has promised. Trump's vow of infrastructure spending could prove popular, but we don't know whether it will amount to anything more than a tax break and privatization scheme. Trump's trade bluster is also colliding with the complexity of policy reality.
Why is Trump tanking? The bottom line is that the ongoing translation of Trump's agenda into policy specifics is showing that major elements of it are unpopular, or unworkable because they are premised on lies, or both.

Sunday, April 2, 2017

Our Cult of Ignorance

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