Saturday, December 20, 2014

East vs. West

Photo
Credit Jeffrey Fisher

In the endless public wars between science and religion, Buddhism has mostly been given a pass. The genesis of this cultural tolerance began with the idea, popular in the 1970s, that Buddhism was somehow in harmony with the frontiers of quantum physics. While the silliness of “quantum spirituality” is apparent enough these days, the possibility that Eastern traditions might have something to say to science did not disappear. Instead, a more natural locus for that encounter was found in the study of the mind. Spurred by the Dalai Lama’s remarkable engagement with scientists, interest in Buddhist attitudes toward the study of the mind has grown steadily.
But within the Dalai Lama’s cheerful embrace lies a quandary whose resolution could shake either tradition to its core: the true relationship between our material brains and our decidedly nonmaterial minds. More than evolution, more than inexhaustible arguments over God’s existence, the real fault line between science and religion runs through the nature of consciousness. Carefully unpacking that contentious question, and exploring what Buddhism offers its investigation, is the subject of Evan Thompson’s new book, “Waking, Dreaming, Being.”
A professor of philosophy at the University of British Columbia, Thompson is in a unique position to take up the challenge. In addition to a career built studying cognitive science’s approach to the mind, he is intimate with the long history of Buddhist and Vedic commentary on the mind too. He also happens to be the son of the maverick cultural historian William Irwin Thompson, whose Lindisfarne Association proposed the “study and realization of a new planetary culture” (a goal that reveals a lot about its strengths and weaknesses). Growing up in this environment, the younger Thompson managed to pick up an enthusiasm for non-Western philosophical traditions and a healthy skepticism for their spiritualist assumptions.
“Waking, Dreaming, Being” begins with an appreciation of neuroscience’s revolutionary impact on our understanding of the brain. Armed with high-resolution digital tools, researchers have mapped critical steps in cognition and vision, language and even memory.
The success of these studies, however, leads some to claim them as proof in favor of “neuro-reductionism” — the proposition that we’re all nothing but the goop of our brains. From this standpoint, minds are never more than just brain function. Once the working brain stops working, our consciousness ends, we end, end of story.
But for others, including Thompson, something essential is left out of this neuro-­reductionist account. The vividness of our experience is neither corralled nor exhausted by fM.R.I. maps or the traces of brain waves in an EEG. There is an “explanatory gap” hanging between neural activity and conscious experience. While that gap has led some philosophers, like Colin McGinn, to argue that consciousness is simply beyond scientific explanation, Thompson moves in a different direction. He begins by reminding us that long before Socrates, the philosopher-­meditators of northern India were already investigating consciousness and its dynamics. Almost 3,000 years ago, first Vedic and then Buddhist practitioners articulated sophisticated first-person accounts of cognitive function. Thompson argues that these contemplative practices are relentlessly empirical. “In the yogic traditions,” he writes, “meditation trains both the ability to sustain attention on a single object and the ability to be openly aware of the entire field of experience without selecting or suppressing anything that arises.”
This training makes contemplative practice unlike anything in the neuroscientist’s toolbox. Neuroscience’s reliance on instrumented, third-person descriptions from brain scans means the essential and essentially nuanced experience of subjectivity is filtered out. As Thompson insists, our consciousness — our self — is simply not the kind of “thing” science is used to studying.
The book’s title underscores Thompson’s thematic approach. Sections on “Waking” explore normal cognitive function underpinning day-to-day activity. Thompson walks us through the Abhi­dharma school of Buddhism. For the Abhidharma, our perceived stream of consciousness can be resolved into bursts of attention or “mind moments.” Thompson shows us modern neuroscience experiments that seem to support this discrete nature of perception.
The sections on “Dreaming” find Thompson going deeper. He rejects the often-held scientific view that dreams are simply hallucinations of the brain: “When we dream, we don’t have pseudo-­perceptions that form the basis for false beliefs; we imagine a dream world and we identify with our dream ego.” Most of us have had a few experiences of “lucid dreaming” — recognizing we’re awake to the dream while still asleep. But within Buddhist “dream yoga” traditions, lucid dreaming is considered a trainable skill essential to the aspirant’s progress as a meditational adept: “Dream yoga tries to show us how the waking world isn’t outside and separate from our minds; it’s brought forth and enacted through our imaginative perception of it.”
This, for Thompson, is how true East-West dialogues can present fundamental challenges to science. All knowledge of the world, even knowledge eventually transformed into scientific form, depends on experience. We live through a perspective that can never be fully escaped. According to Thompson, coming to terms with that boundary, rather than sweeping it under the rug, requires treating experience as primary and irreducible, a notion quite native to contemplative traditions.
Thompson is, however, happy to spread the challenges around. It’s a balance most apparent in his thoughtful discussion of “Being” and, specifically, dying. Both Buddhist and Vedic traditions are deeply committed to the idea that consciousness persists independently of the brain. Thompson looks carefully at evidence for out-of-body experiences, reincarnation and, in particular, near-death experiences of the kind heralded in “Heaven Is for Real.” In all cases, he argues, evidence points to these experiences originating in brains that are either shutting down (dying) or starting back up (resuscitation). Thompson’s dogged balance in these presentations makes his doubts that “consciousness — even in its most profound meditative forms — transcends the living body and the brain” all the more resonant.
Neuroscience considers dying to be nothing more than the ending of brain function, but Thompson argues forcefully that contemplative traditions still offer science a powerful new perspective. In Buddhism, rich and precise accounts are given of the mind’s dissolution in layers during dying, similar to what occurs while falling asleep. As hospice workers well know, the dying process can take hours or days. Thus a phenomenology of dying — meaning detailed first-person accounts by those trained to watch their own minds (including dying minds) — would be fertile territory for future neuroscientific studies. Speaking specifically about accounts of near-death experiences, Thompson presses a point that is often missed:
“What this means in pragmatic terms is to stop using accounts of these experiences to justify either neuro-reductionist or spiritualist agendas and instead take them seriously for what they truly are — narratives of first-person experience arising from circumstances that we will all in some way face.”
That quotation summarizes everything right about Thompson’s excellent book. Walking through the wreckage of a thousand atheism-versus-religion debates, he asks us to do something truly radical and withhold judgment on the big (perhaps unanswerable) metaphysical questions as we carry out our explorations. Instead, we can focus with honesty and integrity on where the empirical, experiential information actually lies. It’s there, he says, right before us, in the lives we inhabit.

WAKING, DREAMING, BEING

Self and Consciousness in Neuroscience, Meditation, and Philosophy
By Evan Thompson
453 pp. Columbia University Press. $32.95.

Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz - An Indigenous Peoples' History of the United States

Here is a history of the US from the viewpoint of Indigenous peoples showing how Native Americans resisted the expansion of the US empire.  American history will never be the same.

"The settlers gave a name to the mutilated and bloody corpses they left in the wake of scalp-hunts: redskins."  P. 65

"Our nation was born in genocide. . . We are perhaps the only nation which tried as matter of national policy to wipe out its indigenous population.  Moreover, we elevated that tragic experience into a noble crusade.  Indeed, today we have not permitted ourselves to reject or feel remorse for this shameful episode."  Martin Luther King, quoted on page 78.

The author calls Andrew Jackson a genocidal sociopath.  P. 94

Jefferson did not consult any Indigenous nations when he consummated the Louisiana Purchase which doubled the size of the United States.  P. 95

The Seminole Nation has never ceased to exist in the Florida everglades.  P. 102

As I read this book I get more and more disturbed about our country's history.

The amazing Doctrine of Discovery.  P. 198

The author links settler colonialism/genocide to American military action in Iraq and other places.  Genocide against Indigenous people led to our country's imperialism and military state.  I think she is stretching her thesis.

Wednesday, December 17, 2014

Rich Bragg - Jerry Lee Lewis: His Own Story

Legendary Southern writer Rick Bragg spent 2 years with legendary singer/piano player Jerry Lee Lewis.  The result is this entertaining biography.  JLL is one the most amazing entertainers in our time.  He may be the best combination of personality and talent of all time.

Lewis was perhaps set to take Elvis's place when The King was drafted and was sent to Germany for 2 years, but Jerry Lee married his 13 year old cousin, took her to Great Britain in 1958 where he was slammed unmercifully, and his career nosedived.  It took him 10 or more years to recover, and it never was really the same.

It seems like Lewis has been haunted all his life by his fundamentalist upbringing. This is both sad and humorous.

He lives in Nesbit, Mississippi, just below Memphis.  After years and years of abusing his body, how is this man still alive at 79?  Elvis is gone.  Roy Orbison is gone. Carl Perkins is long gone.  But Jerry Lee Lewis endures.

He's a self-centered narcissistic jerk.  Okay, we got that out of the way.

Because he was Jerry Lee Lewis he always did what he pleased.  P. 390

In his peer group Jerry Lee Lewis is the last man standing.

Tuesday, December 16, 2014

Blackbirds in Funky Town

Here in Funky Town (aka Pelham) it's beginning to look a lot like Christmas. Lights are up all along our street as several of our neighbors try to outdo each other in elevating their light bill for December. We had a Hitchcockian moment early this morning as thousands of black birds settled on our front yard looking for food I suppose. Then they flew away. For a chilling moment I thought they might attack our humble abode but we were spared. What does this have to do with Christmas? Nothing, but it's the best story I have on this Tuesday morning.

Sunday, December 14, 2014

Warren for President .


The Speech That Could Make Elizabeth Warren the Next President of the United States

Posted: Updated:
ELIZABETH WARREN
Early Friday evening Sen. Elizabeth Warren took to the Senate floor and gave a plain-spoken, barn-burning speech that could make history and put her into serious contention to be the next President of the United States.
There are only a handful of political speeches that have such historic impact. Barack Obama's keynote speech at the 2004 Democratic Convention comes readily to mind. It's what catapulted an obscure Illinois state Senator into the national limelight and put him on the path to becoming President.
Warren's Senate speech was different, but just as electrifying.
Obama's rhetoric was lofty, high-minded, and general, with a feel-good unifying message that there's no blue America or red America but only the United States of America.
Warren's rhetoric is more down to earth, substantive, and frankly, angrier, unafraid of calling out by name the institutions--the big banks and Citigroup in particular--which tanked the economy, cost millions of Americans their jobs and homes, were bailed out with half a trillion dollars of taxpayer money, and then used their fortunes to buy Congress and make it more likely they'll be bailed out again. Moreover, she was unafraid to take on the President of her own party, and the numerous members of his administration drawn from Citigroup and other big banks through the endless revolving door between Washington and Wall Street.
Here's the heart of Warren's speech:
Democrats don't like Wall Street bailouts. Republicans don't like Wall Street bailouts. The American people are disgusted by Wall Street bailouts
And yet here we are, five years after Dodd-Frank with Congress on the verge of ramming through a provision that would do nothing for the middle class, do nothing for community banks, do nothing but raise the risk that taxpayers will have to bail out the biggest banks once again...
So let me say this to anyone who is listening at Citi[group]. I agree with you Dodd-Frank
isn't perfect. It should have broken you into pieces!
If this Congress is going to open up Dodd-Frank in the months ahead, then let's open it up
to get tougher, not to create more bailout opportunities. If we're going to open up Dodd-Frank, let's open it up so that once and for all we end too big to fail and I mean really end it, not just say that we did.
Instead of passing laws that create new bailout opportunities for too big to fail banks, let's pass...something...that would help break up these giant banks.
A century ago Teddy Roosevelt was America's Trust-Buster. He went after the giant trusts
and monopolies in this country, and a lot of people talk about how those trust deserved to be broken up because they had too much economic power. But Teddy Roosevelt said we should break them up because they had too much political power. Teddy Roosevelt said break them up because all that concentrated power threatens the very foundations up our democratic system.
And now we're watching as Congress passes yet another provision that was written by lobbyists for the biggest recipient of bailout money in the history of this country. And its attached to a bill that needs to pass or else we entire federal government will grind to a halt.
Think about that kind of power. If a financial institution has become so big and so powerful
that it can hold the entire country hostage. That alone is reason enough to break them up.
Enough is enough.
Enough is enough with Wall Street insiders getting key position after key position and the kind
of cronyism that we have seen in the executive branch. Enough is enough with Citigroup passing 11th hour deregulatory provisions that nobody takes ownership over but everybody will come to regret. Enough is enough
Washington already works really well for the billionaires and the big corporations and the lawyers and the lobbyists.
But what about the families who lost their homes or their jobs or their retirement savings the last time Citigroup bet big on derivatives and lost? What about the families who are living paycheck to paycheck and saw their tax dollars go to bail out Citi just 6 years ago?
We were sent here to fight for those families. It is time, it is past time, for Washington to start working for them!
Please take less than 10 minutes of your time to watch the speech below. Like Obama's 2004 Convention speech, it was an historic speech, a potentially game changing speech. It catapulted Warren from a potential nuisance to Hillary Clinton's coronation as the Democratic nominee to someone who could foreseeably win the nomination and even the Presidency.
It transformed the conventional wisdom about American politics that the main divide is between left, right, and center, when it is really between pro-corporate and anti-corporate. Her declaration that neither Democrats nor Republicans (meaning the voters, not the Washington politicians) don't like bank bailouts rings loud and true. Tea party supporters don't like bailouts and crony capitalism any more that progressives do.
The conventional wisdom is that to win white working and middle class voters, politicians need to move towards the center, meaning towards a more corporate approach. But in a world of growing inequality, stagnating wages, and a fading belief that with hard work your children can have a better life than you had, that may no longer be true.
Hillary Clinton represents the old politics of the status quo and accommodation to Wall Street's power. Her husband's Treasury Secretary was former Goldman Sachs exec Robert Rubin. After leading Pres. Clinton's effort to dismantle the half-century old Glass-Steagel prohibition on government-insured commercial banks engaging in risky speculative bets which enabled the creation of financial megaliths like Citigroup, he went on to earn $126 million as a senior executive for Citigroup and brokered Citigroup's ½ Trillion Dollar bailout. His protégé, Timothy Geithner became Barack Obama's Treasury Secretary where he opposed breaking up the big banks who had cratered the economy.
Elizabeth Warren represents a new politics in which, by challenging the power of the oligarchy, she has the potential of reclaiming the white working class for Democrats and uniting them with the coalition of professionals, single women, gays and minorities who elected Obama. She is the first major national politician in decades who is willing to openly challenge the power of the Wall Street oligarchy, in the manner of Franklin Delano Roosevelt who declared, "They are unanimous in their hate for me -- and I welcome their hatred."
With the increasingly dominant power of big money in politics, could Warren defeat Clinton, Inc. and then go on to defeat what is likely to be the near unanimous support of the Wall Street and corporate elite for her Republican opponent? It's hard to say. But the nation is in too much trouble to settle for a Democratic or Republican candidate of the corporatist status quo. If there's any hope, it's that once in a while the power of organized people can defeat the power of organized money. Elizabeth Warren represents that hope and it's the only thing worth hoping for.

Saturday, December 13, 2014

On the New York Public Library





New post on Corey Robin



Lenin Loved the New York Public Library. Why can’t we?

I have before me the report of the New York Public Library for 1911.
That year the Public Library in New York was moved from two old buildings to new premises erected by the city. The total number of books is now about two million. It so happened that the first book asked for when the reading-room opened its doors was in Russian. It was a work by N. Grot, The Moral Ideals of Our Times. The request for the book was handed in at eight minutes past nine in the morning. The book was delivered to the reader at nine fifteen.
In the course of the year the library was visited by 1,658,376 people. There were 246,950 readers using the reading-room and they took out 911,891 books.
This, however, is only a small part of the book circulation effected by the library. Only a few people can visit the library. The rational organisation of educational work is measured by the number of books issued to be read at home, by the conveniences available to the majority of the population.
In three boroughs of New York—Manhatten, Bronx and Richmond—the New York Public Library has forty-two branches and will soon have a forty-third (the total population of the three boroughs is almost three million). The aim that is constantly pursued is to have a branch of the Public Library within three-quarters of a verst, i.e., within ten minutes’ walk of the house of every inhabitant, the branch library being the centre of all kinds of institutions and establishments for public education.
Almosteight million (7,914,882 volumes) were issued to readers at home, 400,000 more than in 1910. To each hundred members of the population of all ages and both sexes, 267 books were issued for reading at home in the course of the year.
Each of the forty-two branch libraries not only provides for the use of reference books in the building and the issue of books to be read at home, it is also a place for evening lectures, for public meetings and for rational entertainment.
The New York Public Library contains about 15,000 books in oriental languages, about 20,000 in Yiddish and   about 16,000 in the Slav languages. In the main reading-room there are about 20,000 books standing on open shelves for general use.
The New York Public Library has opened a special, central, reading-room for children, and similar institutions are gradually being opened at all branches. The librarians do everything for the children’s convenience and answer their questions. The number of books children took out to read at home was 2,859,888, slightly under three million (more than a third of the total). The number of children visiting the reading-room was 1,120,915.
As far as losses are concerned—the New York Public Library assesses the number of books lost at 70–80–90 per 100,000 issued to be read at home.
Corey Robin | December 12, 2014 at 9:34 pm | Tags: Lenin, NYC Library | Categories: Uncategorized | URL: http://wp.me/p1FPJG-1Jy

Fields of Blood

Photo
Credit Edel Rodriguez
Just after finishing Karen Armstrong’s new book, I happened to hear a discussion on television about the latest outbreak of violence in the Middle East. “We have to hope that this disagreement stays on the political level, rather than becoming a religious dispute,” one of the experts said. “Political differences can be resolved. Religious ones cannot.”
“Fields of Blood” can be thought of as a long, wide-ranging and overall quite effective rebuttal to the outlook expressed in that comment. “In the West, the idea that religion is inherently violent is now taken for granted and seems self-evident,” Armstrong says on the book’s first page. It follows that the main hope for peace is to keep faith and statecraft separate.
Armstrong, a onetime Roman Catholic nun and the author of several influential works on religion including “A History of God,” argues that this is an incorrect diagnosis leading to a flawed prescription. The page-by-page detail of the book is much of the reason to read it, but if you reduced its complexities and tangles to their essence, they would amount to these three points:
First, through most of human history, people have chosen to intertwine religion with all their other activities, including, notably, how they are governed. This was “not because ambitious churchmen had ‘mixed up’ two essentially distinct activities,” she says, “but because people wanted to endow everything they did with significance.”
Second, this involvement with politics means that religions have often been tied up with violence: Crusaders, conquistadors, jihadists and many more. But — a point Armstrong cares about so much that she makes it dozens of times — the violence almost always originates with the state and spills over to religion, rather than vice versa. This, she says, is because any governing body, democratic or tyrannical, peace-loving or expansionist, “was obliged to maintain at its heart an institution committed to treachery and violence,” and because “violence and coercion . . . lay at the heart of social existence.” The earliest states required force to maintain systems of agricultural production; mature ones found that the threat of violence — by police within their borders, by armies between them — was, sadly, the best way to keep the peace.
Third, citizens thus face the duty of confronting and trying to control violence carried out in their name by the state, without blaming religion for it or imagining that the solution lies in a cleaner separation of church and state. This extends to understanding the roots of violence or terrorism directed against them: “As an inspiration for terrorism . . . nationalism has been far more productive than religion.” And religions face the dilemma of whether to accept the protection of a state, and the threat of violence that necessarily entails, or to live in hermetic isolation.
Armstrong develops this argument through the interacting evolutions of religion and government from Mesopotamian times onward. She has sections on the rise of Zoroastrianism in Persia, on the Sanskrit-speaking Aryans four millenniums ago in India, on the early formation of the Chinese state — and that is before her multichapter examination of the development of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. She then explores the best-known examples of violence involving each of these faiths, from the Spanish Inquisition of the 15th century to the Islamic (and other) extremists of the 21st, including ultra-Orthodox Jews in Israel. In nearly all cases, she argues, violent impulses that originated elsewhere — with nationalism, struggles for territory, resentment at loss of power — may have presented themselves as “religious” disputes but really had little to do with faith.
I doubt many readers will be able to assess Armstrong’s handling of every bit of this vast saga. Certainly I cannot. But when she touches on areas I do know about, mainly involving the histories of the United States, Japan and China, she seems careful, fair and true. This naturally inclines me to trust her elsewhere.
Apart from its larger argument, the book is packed with little insights and discoveries. For instance, on the “especially psychotic” nature of the First Crusade, about 1,000 years ago: “From all accounts, the Crusaders seemed half-crazed,” she says. “For three years, they had had no normal dealings with the world around them, and prolonged terror and malnutrition made them susceptible to abnormal states of mind.” Armstrong makes the following observation about Jews in the time of Jesus, but it applies to the modern tragedy of Tibet and elsewhere: “Once colonized, a people often depends heavily on their religious practices, over which they still have some control and which recall a time when they had the dignity of freedom.” And through a connection too complex to explain fully here, she traces many of today’s bitter American faith-versus-science disputes on evolution, same-sex rights and climate change to world events a century ago. “Their horrified recoil from the violence of the First World War also led American fundamentalists to veto modern science,” since the science of killing had reached new heights in the Great War.
So convincing is Armstrong’s overall case that I wish she had not tried to make it airtight. Even in episodes that would seem to have some religious element, she is at pains to say that the origins must be seen as wholly political. The Muslim-Hindu violence that followed the end of the Raj and the partition between India and Pakistan? “Muslims and Hindus would both fall prey to the besetting sin of secular nationalism: its inability to tolerate minorities. And because their outlook was still permeated by spirituality, this nationalist bias distorted their traditional religious vision.” The massacre of Muslim Bosnians, by Orthodox Serbians, in the Bosnian war of the early 1990s? “Despite the widespread assumption in the West that . . . the violence was ineradicable because of its strong ‘religious’ element, this communal intolerance was relatively new” — and based, again she argues, on political disagreements. If the Taliban or Islamic State marauders cite their faith as justification for their killing, that is, Armstrong says, a sign not that they’ve spent too much time with the Quran, but too little — and have ignored (among teachings that are as internally contradictory as those of the Old and New Testaments) the many passages exhorting mercy and tolerance. The argument comes right to the edge of tautology in suggesting that if a religion seems to provoke violence, then it’s not properly a religion at all but rather a manifestation of state power.
But only to the edge. Armstrong demonstrates again and again that the great spasms of cruelty and killing through history have had little or no religious overlay. In modern times Hitler, Stalin and Mao were all atheists, and the power behind the Holocaust, Armstrong says, was an ethnic rather than a religious hatred. An overemphasis on religion’s damage can blind people to the nonholy terrors that their states inflict.
I generally end up judging books in two ways: by whether I can remember them and whether they change the way I think about the world. It’s too soon to know about the first test, but on the basis of the second I recommend “Fields of Blood.”

FIELDS OF BLOOD

Religion and the History of Violence
By Karen Armstrong
512 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $30.