Tuesday, September 8, 2026

 IDEAS

The Myth of Perfect Knowledge

Science will never be able to give a completely objective description of the world. That should make us humbler—and wiser.

Abstract celestial forms
Illustration by Mark Pernice

The modern world owes a lot to the Enlightenment, the 18th-century intellectual movement that emphasized the power of reason. But the Enlightenment also created a myth: that we can get to know the objective world completely, with total clarity, as if we were looking at it from the outside. This myth is challenged by the Enlightenment’s greatest legacy—modern science.

Reality is more complex than we expected. Physics—my trade, and perhaps the most objective among the sciences—questions the possibility of a full description of how things objectively are. An electron can be in a “quantum superposition,” so that to an observer, it doesn’t occupy just one location—and so can you, my reader. This does not mean that you could perceive being dislocated between two positions; as perceived by yourself, you are always in just one place. But an object’s properties may differ depending on who, or what, is looking at them—or may not even be defined at all. Properties are not simple features of things: They are relations between one thing and another. What we call “the world” is therefore only how some parts of reality manifest themselves to other parts—us, for instance.

Humanity has always been aware that our understanding is partial and biased. But the fact that an objective and knowable reality is incompatible with the grammar of physics is astonishing. The Enlightenment could consider the mind as being outside the world, in an abstract realm of reason where knowledge resides. But human minds are not outside reality, watching it from its exterior. We, like everything else, are part of the very nature we study.

Our knowledge is only one example of the many correlations that intertwine different parts of nature. In the early 20th century, Niels Bohr, a founder of quantum theory, realized that quantum phenomena indicate that we cannot discard our own physical nature when we observe the world. The ideal of grasping objective reality by making the observer irrelevant is incompatible with physics. We are quantum processes interacting with other quantum processes. Our knowledge is a rich but incomplete set of correlations between one piece of the world–ourselves–and the rest of it.

To see this fact from another point of view, consider saying “It’s raining and Ann does not know it.” This makes sense: You know that it’s raining and that Ann doesn’t. But if you replace “Ann” with a first-person pronoun, the result is odd: “It’s raining and I do not know it.” How can you declare that it’s raining if you do not know it? This observation points to the fact that every proposition can only express the knowledge of the speaker or writer. No proposition is asserted from outside reality, because there is nothing outside reality. To say “It is raining” is really to say: “I, as part of reality, know that it’s raining.” Objective statements independent of any knower are fictions. Purely objective reality is a useful myth, but only a myth. Anything said about the state of the world comes from someone’s singular perspective.

This means that all of our knowledge is intrinsically uncertain. All statements have unavoidable margins of uncertainty. Indeed, we can be wrong about anything, even the basic facts of our own lives. My father grew up sure that his first name was Franco until he asked for a copy of his birth certificate and found out that my grandfather, without telling my grandma, had registered him as Giulio. He had been wrong about his own name. Humanity has been collectively wrong over and over again. We thought the sun moved around the earth, then learned that it is the earth that orbits the sun. Great scientists are even more likely to be wrong than others, because they have the courage to try—Einstein’s published work includes many mistakes.

But in science, as in daily life, we do not need certainty; being reasonably sure is good enough. If I have an airplane to catch, I will go to the airport even though I’m not totally sure that the flight will take off; if I waited for certainty, I’d never leave home. Modern science offers an enormous body of knowledge that is effective and, in many domains, far better than all the alternatives, but it gives us no absolute certainty, no ultimate story, no Truth with a capital T.

Within science, there are different ways of describing the same things. A glass of water can be described in terms of physics (its mass, velocity), thermodynamics (its temperature), chemistry (there is more than just H2O in any glass of water), biology (bacteria swim in it), particle physics (its electrons, protons, and neutrons), psychology (“Why did I fill the glass?”), economics (its price), and more. Each account is valid in its own terms; each reflects a way in which the same object interacts with different parts of reality, from atoms to the global economy. But none exhausts an “ultimate truth” of the glass.

The same is true for human beings. I can think of you, my reader, as a body, as a mind, or as a soul. These aren’t different entities: They are the same entity, described in different languages, using different conceptual schemes, focusing on different aspects of the same you and different ways in which you interact with other parts of reality. There is no sharp separation or metaphysical gap between body and soul; matter and spirit; the physical world and the world of laws, ideas, and norms.

In this sense, all things are equal: They are all aspects of the same natural world, considered from different perspectives, none of which is the ultimate one. Everything can be considered fundamental from one perspective or another. The expression “the equality of all things” comes from the title of the second chapter of The Book of Zhuangzi, one of the greatest books of humankind—an ancient classic of Chinese philosophy that articulates a similar intriguing perspectival and anti-foundational naturalism.

This is the view to which I think modern science leads us. Many people resist it, some out of fear of losing solid reference points: objectivity, certainties, absolute morality, an immortal soul. But scientific knowledge does not become less valuable if you remain open to doubt. Morality does not lose power if you recognize that it is rooted in our biology, culture, and history. Our values do not weaken because they are rooted in what we are, not in something outside us. And life is even more beautiful and precious without dreams of immortality. We are not—as French existentialism described us—thrown into alien nature. In nature, we are home.

In fact, it seems to me that recognizing the perspectival aspect of knowledge, values, and beliefs, and of reality itself, could help us become a bit less arrogant, a bit humbler and wiser. Conflicts between individuals or countries don’t stem only from greed and thirst for power. They are also fueled by the belief that we are objectively right and the enemy is objectively wrong, which ignores the plurality of perspectives. We have our values that guide us, but understanding the perspective of others is the first step toward wisdom—and toward peace. In our era of nuclear armaments, ignoring that others have different perspectives, and failing to respect them, could drag the world into a catastrophe.

Saturday, September 5, 2026

Auburn vs. Baylor in Atlanta

 The 2026 college football season starts.  We start in Atlanta of all places.  2:30 on ABC.  How did Atlanta  happen?  I do not know.  

I have avoided thinking much about it.  It will be what it will be.  Auburn with a new coach, a  new regime, with the loose transfer rules now in place,  Auburn with a roster turned upside down.  I thought the Tigers would go off as a 1 or 2-ppoint favorite.  Who knows.

I listen to Coach Golesh pregames.  So articulate.  So precise in what he has to say.  Can't help but be impressed,

FIRST QUAETER

2:30 on ABC from Atlanta.

Auburn receives.  One first down and a punt. Baylor starts on their 16.  The Bears drive to midfield.  They have more pep than Auburn early on.  But then their QB fumbles!  Auburn on our 30.  Quickly across midfield.

We move to 4th & 4.  FG good about 43 yds.

Auburn 3 Baylor 0 

8:13 in the the first.

FD Baylor.  They are running the ball effectively.  Their offense looks better, looser than ours.

Then an Auburn pick to stop a Baylor drive!  Tigers on our 46.  We gotta get the run game going.

We go backwards.  No run, no pass.   3rd & 28.  4th and long.  Our offense cannot get untracked.

Baylor definitely early on looks sharper than Auburn.  Their passing is precise and they find running holes in our defensive line.

Quarter ends,

Auburn 3 Baylor 0

SECOND QUARTER 

The Beats miss a 42 yd FG attempt wide right not even close.

From our 25 three downs and out.  Good punt and smear on the punt receiver at the 22.

Looks bad so far.  Our team is not focused on offense,

Their offense is picking our defense apart.  The sharper looking team by far.

Baylor punts from midfield and for some our receiver fair catches just outside the goal line.  Poorly coached punt receiver.

The ghost of Hugh Freeze must still be hanging around.

We finally start a drive but alas Baylor intercepts a long pass inside their 5.

Baylor punts from their 5.

Auburn starts on our 43.  5:52 in the second.

Tigers to the Baylor 15.  Cobb around the right side for the score.

Auburn 10 Baylor 3:51 in the second.

4th and 3 going for it.

FD completion 2:00 left in the second.

16 yd completion for the end zone.

Auburn 10 Baylor  7 1:30 in the second.

A promising drive goes awry as we take a sack and with 13 second Baylor intercept.  The Bears defense rises up with two late defensive stops.  Bad feeling so far in this topsy turvy game.

Halftime

Auburn 10 Baylor 7

Bears go three and out.  Tigers start an impressive drive that leads to a missed FG attempt.  Bad omen

Baylor starts a drive from their 25 picking our defense apart.

They give up the football on failing on 4th & 2 from the Auburn 

A promising drive dies at midfield. at 4th and 11.

Baylor at about their 16.

The  quarter ends with AU coming up short on fake punt at 4th 5.

Auburn 10 Baylor 7

FOURTH QUARTER

Brown throws a late interception.  He is certainly not as advertised.  Late tie game.

Auburn 10 Baylor 10

Last Bear possession our defense held them to a FG/

At least our defense came to play.

Auburn driving late with an injury on the field 10-10 4:07 left.

3:21 left Byron runs it in.  Good late game drive there.

Auburn 17 Baylor 10

Down to cases.

FINAL SCORE

Auburn 17 Baylor 16

Baylor scores a late TD with seconds to go, goes for 2 after a chess match of timeouts back and forth, but our defense saves the game.  Eric Winters makes a game saving tackle AT the goal line.  Normally that play works and the runner finds the end zone.  Thrilling!













Thursday, September 3, 2026

 Using the courts to rein in Mr. Trump’s authoritarian leanings remains essential, but it isn’t sufficient. If the midterms result in the shift of power many expect, it won’t be as easy for the president to trample the Constitution or run roughshod over Congress. But Americans should be clear that there is no cavalry coming. We don’t have the luxury of fantasizing that we are just one legal victory or perfectly poll-tested message away from turning the nation around. Such thinking unintentionally obscures the urgent need for all of us, especially those in relative positions of comfort, to roll up our sleeves, walk out our front doors and make ourselves part of the answer to this crisis.

-Skye Perryman in the NY Times

Tuesday, September 1, 2026

 BOOKS

What Howard Zinn Got Wrong

The historian believed that empowering the people would improve society. History hasn’t always proved him right.

A man with gray, full hair speaking loudly into a microphone
Marilyn Humphries / Alamy

“What would Howard say?” This question, which Dave Zirin reports being “asked repeatedly” while he was working on his new biography of Howard Zinn, underscores how unusual a figure his subject cut in contemporary American life. Most historians live and die in relative obscurity. But 16 years after Zinn’s death, many people still look to him, not just as a scholar but as a kind of sage.

Zinn first became famous—and, in some circles, infamous—after the 1980 publication of his best-selling work A People’s History of the United States. The book advanced an ambitious and unrepentantly radical reimagining of the nation’s past. Zinn rejected the conventional organization of history around “the point of view of governments, conquerors, diplomats, leaders” and declared, “I prefer to try to tell the story of the discovery of America from the viewpoint of the Arawaks, of the Constitution from the standpoint of the slaves, of Andrew Jackson as seen by the Cherokees.” What emerged was a new grand narrative, one that promised to reveal what mainstream history had long concealed and to offer a new moral framework for the past. In Zinn’s telling, the powerful were almost always up to no good, and ordinary people were the heroes of the American story. They courageously built movements for justice and sometimes even won, though it never took long for the oppressors to regroup. The fight was never over.

Unlike most best sellers, A People’s History never stopped selling. Each year during its first three decades in print, it sold more copies than the last. The book’s fans applauded its bottom-up, justice-minded approach to history, while its detractors dismissed it as a leftist morality play masquerading as a story about the past. No one could doubt that it changed the conversation about American history, not to mention the trajectory of Zinn’s life. By the time he died in 2010, he was an archvillain for the right and a secular saint for the left.

Zirin’s fast-paced biography, The People’s Historian, is an answer to the most interesting version of “What would Howard say?” One hardly needs to squint to imagine what Zinn would have thought of the current regime in Washington, and readers curious only about that can put this book down after page 4, where Zirin declares, “Fascist movements taking orders from billionaire insurrectionists were the kinds of struggles that Howard Zinn demonstrated a willingness to fight and, if necessary, die to oppose.” But Zirin himself is after something more. He knew Zinn personally and collaborated with him on projects; he admires him deeply. Zirin believes we need more than Zinn’s opinions today; he argues that we need the deeper wisdom that emanates from his life and work.

Zinn’s many gifts developed in the course of what was, by any estimation, a remarkable journey. He was born in 1922 to working-class Jewish immigrants in Brooklyn. In his early 20s he rushed to enlist in the fight against fascism, serving in the Air Forces during World War II. He would long regret his short tenure as a bombardier who dropped artillery shells on behalf of a compromised colonial power—as he would later come to see the United States—from such heights that he could not be sure where exactly they landed. Zinn’s willingness to admit he was gravely wrong is part of what Zirin loves about him. The people’s historian was a radical, but he was also a “happy warrior” who believed that people could change, and so could societies.

As a participant in the civil-rights and anti-war movements, Zinn witnessed such transformations firsthand. He organized alongside his students at Spelman College as well as with famous activists, including Ella Baker and Daniel Berrigan. Together, in the 1960s and ’70s, they fought to change a country whose past and present were steeped in violence and white supremacy. The going was never easy, because, as Zirin tells it—very much in Zinnian fashion—they bumped up against so many villains in power. Sometimes it was the director of the FBI; other times, a reactionary university administrator. But the people could be powerful too. Any given campaign might be stymied, but the march went on. However dreary the news, the hope persisted for a better day.

Zirin argues convincingly that Zinn’s life story vindicates one of his deepest convictions: that ordinary people and “small acts” can change the world. Zinn was right about this, and Zirin concludes the book with a quote from him that draws out the optimistic implications of his faith in bottom-up movements: “We have been surprised before in history. We can be surprised again. Indeed, we can do the surprising.” This is a compelling message for the current moment—and any other. Yet one can agree with Zinn on the power of the people to make change and still wonder whether recent history has revealed the limits of his wisdom.


“Was he wrong to have faith in the people?” Zirin relates that some of Zinn’s devotees—“those politically raised on his ideas”—have asked him this question, in addition to the one about what he might say in any given situation. Zirin takes up the second query but answers it far less satisfactorily than the first. He acknowledges that “in 2024, 77 million voters checked the box for an authoritarian to take power once again,” and moreover that Trump “won masses of white working-class people and, according to political pundits, a not-insignificant number of Black and Latino men.” But Zirin does not wrestle with the meaning of these developments. Rather, he waves them away with invocations of the “tech oligarchs” and “autocrats” who are driving “our global descent into authoritarianism.” This is an homage in a way, a vintage Zinn move—evading tough questions about who “the people” are and what they really want.

A People’s History of the United States appeared the same year Ronald Reagan was first elected president. In later editions of the book, Zinn would cast Reagan—like Jimmy Carter before him and George H. W. Bush after—as a creature of “the Establishment,” elected by a majority of voters but by a minority of the voting population and, hence, hardly the people’s choice. Zinn wrote something similar in 2003 amid the travails of the early War on Terror: “I wake up in the morning, read the newspaper, and feel that we are an occupied country, that some alien group has taken over.” The following year, of course, George W. Bush won the popular vote.

Zinn was hardly the only academic to be thrown by this turn of events. The 2004 election left no doubt that the Reagan Revolution had been more than a blip; in its aftermath, American historians redoubled their efforts to understand the sources of the right’s surprising resurgence. What they have uncovered in the past two decades flies in the face of a central tenet of Zinnian orthodoxy. The sustained success of the modern conservative movement cannot be explained away as the outcome of establishment machinations or a top-down takeover. Its energy and vitality came in no small part from the grassroots: from stay-at-home moms and car mechanics, from the suburbs and the Sun Belt, from evangelicals and Catholics and more. The revival of the Republican Party’s national fortunes at various moments, going all the way back to Richard Nixon, confirms Zinn’s faith in the power of bottom-up movements, even as it confounds his almost mythic sense of “the people” as inevitably on the right side of history (that is, the left side of the political spectrum).

And if ordinary folks are more complicated than Zinn and Zirin recognize, perhaps those who wield power can be too. What made the right’s political comeback so surprising, after all, was that in the mid-1960s the liberal-left coalition was winning not only in the streets but also on Capitol Hill. In those years, progressives leveraged grassroots energy into breakthrough policy change. The leaders of major civic and political institutions were rarely out in front of progressive activists, but at least some of them chose to pull levers that made the United States more equal and just. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 passed with sweeping bipartisan majorities.

After an outrageous assault by law enforcement on peaceful demonstrators in Selma, Alabama, President Lyndon B. Johnson memorably proclaimed—before a joint session of Congress, Cabinet officers, Supreme Court justices, and more than 70 million Americans watching on television—that “it is not just Negroes, but really it is all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And—we—shall—overcome.” His invocation of a beloved civil-rights anthem brought a tear to Martin Luther King Jr.’s eye. None of this impressed Zinn. In A People’s History, he framed both the speech and the landmark civil-rights legislation of the 1960s as “concessions.”

Then and now, such unrelenting suspicion springs from genuine patterns of institutional failure and betrayal. Villains are, alas, not just a figment of our collective imagination. And yet, in 2026, with the Democrats on the outside of power looking in, progressives might nevertheless ask whether the Zinnian propensity to demonize anyone and everyone wielding authority has served their cause well. Dismissing landmark legislation as mere concessions can miss the fact that there is no path forward from righteous protest to lasting change that does not run through better—if imperfect—public policy. However “exhilarating” Zinn’s counternarrative can be, it may have encouraged millions of well-meaning readers to be skeptical of the possibility that any good could come through the slow, messy institutional work that is central to pluralistic democracy. Coincidental or not, this much is true: During the same period when Zinn’s influence was rising meteorically on the left, the right became much more adept at channeling populist enthusiasm into deliberate campaigns to reshape the major institutions of American life.

“I wanted to change the world, and I thought history might be helpful,” Zinn liked to say, lightheartedly. His biographer is right to argue that Zinn, an ordinary person, did change the world—though perhaps he didn’t do it only in the ways that either of them hoped he would.